FO-From Benjamin Franklin to James Lovell, 22 July 1778.md

FO-From Benjamin Franklin to James Lovell, 22 July 1778

13 reprints from 1778-07-22 to 1887-11-26

FO-From Benjamin Franklin to James Lovell, 22 July 1778

by Franklin, Benjamin

From unknown source

1778-07-22

nding Us the last Dispatches of the Committee. Two Copies of the Contract with Mr. Francy, and the Invoices, came by the same Vessel, Capt. Niles. And tho’ one of your Letters mentions sending inclosed a Resolution of Congress relative to two Articles of the Treaty, that Resolution is not come to hand. There are Circumstances in the Affair of those Articles, that make them in my Opinion of no Consequence if they Stand, while the proposing to abrogate them, has an unpleasing Appearance, as it looks like a Desire of having it in our Power to make that Commercial kind of War, which no honest State can begin, which no good Friend or Neighbour ever did or will begin, which has always been consider’d as an Act of hostility that provoked as well as justify’d Reprisals, and has generally produced such as have render’d the first Project as unprofitable as it was unjust. Commerce among Nations as well as between Private Persons should be fair and equitable, by Equivalent Exchanges, and mutual Supplies. The taking unfair Advantage of a Neighbour’s Necessities, tho’ attended with a temporary Success, always breeds ill Blood. To lay Duties on a Commodity exported which our Friends want, is a Knavish Attempt to get something for Nothing. The Statesman who first invented it, had the Genius of a Pickpocket; and would have been a Pickpocket if Fortune had suitably plac’d him. The Nations who have practis’d it have suffer’d for it fourfold, as Pickpockets ought to suffer. Savoy by a Duty on exported Wines lost the Supplying of Switzerland, which thenceforth raised its own Wine; and (to wave other Instances) Britain by her Duty on exported Tea, has lost the Trade of her Colonies. But as we produce no Commodity that is peculiar to our Country, and which may not be obtained elsewhere, the Discouraging the Consumption of ours by Duties on Exportation, and thereby encouraging a Rivalship from other Nations in the Ports we trade to, is absolute Folly, which is indeed mixed more or less with all Knavery. For my own Part if my Protest were of any Consequence, I should Protest against our ever doing it even by way of Reprisal. It is a Meanness with which I would not dirty the Conscience or Character of My Country. The Objections stated against the last of the two Articles had all been made and consider’d here; and were sent I imagine from hence by one who is offended that they were not thought of weight sufficient to stop the signing of the Treaty, ’till the King should in another Council reconsider those Articles, and after agre

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FO-From Benjamin Franklin to James Lovell, 22 July 1778

by Franklin, Benjamin

From unknown source

1778-07-22

eing to omit them order new Copies to be drawn, tho’ all was then ready engross’d on Parchment as before settled. I did not think the Articles of much Consequence; but I thought it of Consequence that no Delay should be given to the signing of the Treaty after it was ready. But if I had known that those Objections would have been sent to the Committee I should have sent the Answers they received, which had been Satisfactory to all the Commissioners when the Treaty was settled and untill the Mind of one of them was alter’d by the Opinion of two other Persons. ’Tis now too late to send those Answers. But I wish for the future if such a Case should again happen, that Congress would acquaint their Commissioners with such partial Objections, and hear their Reasons, before they determine that they have done wrong. In the mean time this is only to you in private: It will be of no use to communicate it, as the Resolution of Congress will probably be received and executed before this Letter comes to hand. Speaking of Commissioners in the plural puts me in mind of enquiring if it can be the Intention of Congress to keep three Ambassadors at this Court; we have indeed four with the Gentleman intended for Tuscany, who continues here, and is very angry that he was not consulted in making the Treaty which he could have mended in several Particulars; and perhaps he is angry with some Reason if the Instructions to him do, as he says they do, require us to consult him. We shall soon have a fifth, for the Envoy to Vienna not being received there, is, I hear returning hither. The necessary Expence of maintaining us all, is, I assure you enormously great: I wish the Utility may equal it: I imagine every one of us spends nearly as much as Lord Stormont did. It is true he left behind him the Character of a Niggard; and when the Advertisement appear’d for the Sale of his Household Goods, all Paris laughed at an Article of it, perhaps very innocently express’d, Une grande quantité du Linge de Table, QUI N’A JAMAIS SERVI—Cela est très vraisemblable, say they, car il n’a jamais donné à manger. But as to our Number whatever Advantage there might be in the joint Counsels of three for framing and adjusting the Articles of the Treaty, there can be none in managing the common Business of a Resident here. On the Contrary, all the Advantages in negociation that result from Secrecy of Sentiment, and Uniformity in expressing it, and in common Business from Dispatch, are lost. In a Court too where every Word is watched and weighed, if a Number of Commissioners do not every one hold the same Language, in giving their Opinion on any publick Transaction, this lessens their Weight; and where it may be prudent to put on or avoid certain Appearances, of Concern, for Example, or Indifference, Satisfaction or Dislike, where the utmost Sincerity and Candour should be used and would gain Credit, if no semblance of Art shewed itself in the inadvertent Discourse perhaps of only one of them, the Hazard is in Proportion to the Number. And where every one must be consulted on every particular of common Business, in answering every Letter, &ca. and one of them is offended if the smallest thing is done without his Consent, the Difficulty of being often and long enough together, the different Opinions, and the time consumed in debating them, the Interruption by new Applicants in the time of meeting, &c. &c. occasion so much postponing and delay, that Correspondence languishes, Occasions are lost, and the Business is always behind hand. I have mentioned the Difficulty of being often and long enough together: This is considerable where they cannot be all accommodated in the same House: But to find three People whose Tempers are so good, and who like so well one anothers Company, and Manner of living and conversing, as to agree well themselves, tho’ being in one House; and whose Servants will not by their Indiscretion quarrel with one another, and by artful misrepresentations draw their Masters in to take their Parts, to the Disturbance of necessary Harmony, these are Difficulties still greater and almost insurmountable. And in consideration of the whole I wish the Congress would separate Us. The Spanish

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FO-From Benjamin Franklin to James Lovell, 22 July 1778

by Franklin, Benjamin

From unknown source

1778-07-22

e only given to excuse the Delay. The English and French Fleets of nearly equal Force are now both at Sea. It is not doubted but that if they meet there will be a Battle. For tho’ England thro’ Fear, Affects to Understand it to be still Peace, and would excuse the Depredations she has made on the Commerce of France by Pretences of illicit Trade &c. yet France considers the War as begun from the time of the King’s Message to Parliament complaining of the Insult France had given by treating with Us, and demanding Aids to resent it, and the Answers of both Houses offering their Lives and Fortunes, and the taking several Frigates are deem’d indisputable Hostilities.

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From The North American Review (1821-1940)

1830-04-01 · Boston

their colonial trade with export duties. Hence, by this article, without any sacrifice on our part, we should secure a probable bene fit to ourselves from the other. ¢‘T'o lay duties on a com- modity exported,’ be said, ‘which our neighbors want, is a knavish attempt to get sometiing for nothing. Commerce among nations, as well! as between private persons, should be fair and equitable, by equivalent exchanges and mutual sup- plies.’ Moreover, should countervailing duties be laid by both sides in the present case, the equivalents would be as nearl

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From The North American Review (1821-1940)

1830-04-01 · Boston

knavish atte mpt to get sometiing for nothin Commerce among nations, as wel! as between private persons, should be fair and equitable, by equivalent exchanges and mutual sup- plies.’ Moreover, should countervailing duties be laid | ry both sides in the present case, the equivalents would be as nearl

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From The Banner of the Constitution. Devoted to General Politics, Political Economy, State Papers, Foreign and Domestic News, &c. (1829-1832)

1831-09-07 · Philadelphia

of the Atlantic. For silk is an indispensable article, and is one of the | by a duty on exported wines, lost the trade of Switzerland, which first necessit much so as tea and sugar. No man or woman can | thenceforth slieed its own wine ; and Britain, by her duty on exporte

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From The Banner of the Constitution. Devoted to General Politics, Political Economy, State Papers, Foreign and Domestic News, &c. (1829-1832)

1831-09-07 · Philadelphia

put on a coat, shawi, hat, glove, or dress himself in any way, without it. | tea, has lost the trade of her colonies. But, as we raise no commodity , : , that is peculiar to our country, and which may not be obtained else- If Commodore Porter can introduce into this country the otiabe, ths Gantentaten the cannon of ours, by duties on export- knowledge of a mode of cultivating silk, which shall be * infi- | ation, and thereby encouraging a rivalship from other nations in a nitely more certain and profitable than the cultivation of flax,” _ oo "Ter uy ona bans tl we pee woe of ony conse- he will undoubtedly render the country a great service. We quence, I should protest against our ues doing it, one by hate of re- are sorry, however, to observe, by his letter, that the Commo- | prisal. It is a meanness with which I would not dirty the character o

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From The Banner of the Constitution. Devoted to General Politics, Political Economy, State Papers, Foreign and Domestic News, &c. (1829-1832)

1831-09-07 · Philadelphia

Commerce among nations,as well as between private persons, should be fair and equitable, by equivalent exchanges and mutual supplies. The taking unfair advantages of a neighbor's necessities, though at

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From The Banner of the Constitution. Devoted to General Politics, Political Economy, State Papers, Foreign and Domestic News, &c. (1829-1832)

1831-09-07 · Philadelphia

year to the other, without changing his opinion of the true sense and meaning of the Constitution. The following question is respectfully submitted to the com- munity, for its deliberation : Suppose a written contract to subsist between three co-pa . ‘ ; , € ve - rt- tended with temporary success, always breeds bad blood. To lay du-| The Zanesville (Ohio) Messenger says : ner ome {C—in which it is stipulated th ta ties on a commodity exported, which our neighbors want, isa knavish| We are glad © see that some of the ablest and best men in the North | th ae agipncriepe scape e = ee en One attempt to get something for nothing. The statesman who first invent-| and South, witho | distinetion of party, have been selected to attend| May be lawfully done by the joint concern, and that 20 othe

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From The American Quarterly Review (1827-1837)

1831-12-01 · Philadelphia

viding for the free exportation of molasses from the West Indies, on the part of France, in return for the free exportation of all pro- duce to the West Indies, on the part of America, which had been earnestly opposed by Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard, and had, in fact, been one of the earliest sources of discord. It is nearly of the same date as Mr. Izard’s letter, to which we have referred. Passy, July 22, 1778. “To James LovEtt.— “ There are circumstances in the affair of these articles, that make them, in my opinion, of no consequence if they stand, while the proposing to abrogate them, has an unpleasant appearance, as it looks like a desire of having it in our power to make that commercial kind of war, which no honest state can begin, which no good friend or neighbour ever did or will begin, which has always been considered as an act of hostility, that provoked as well as justified reprisals, and has generally produced such (results) as ren- dered the first project as unprofitable as it was unjust. Commerce among nations, as well as between private persons, should be fair and equitable, by equivalent exchanges and mutual supplies. The taking advantage of a neighbour’s neces- sities, though attended with temporary success, always breeds bad blood. ‘To lay duties on a commodity exported, which our neighbours want, is a knavish attempt to get something for nothing. The statesman that first invented it, had the genius of a pickpocket, and would have been a pickpocket, if fortune had suitably placed him. The nations who have practised it, have suffered four- fold, 4s pickpockets ought to do. Savoy, by a duty on exported wines, lost the trade of Switzerland, which thenceforth raised its own wine ; and (to waive other instances,) Britain, by her duty on exported tea, has lost the trade of het colonies. But, as we produce no commodity that is peculiar to our country, and which may not be obtained elsewhere, the discouraging the consumption of ours, by duties on exportation, and thereby encouraging a rivalship from other nations, in the ports we trade to, is absolute folly, which is indeed mixed more or less with all knavery. For my own part, if my protest was of any conse- quence, I should protest against our ever doing it, even by way of reprisal. It is a meanness with which I would not dirty the character and conscience of my country. ** The objections against the last of the two articles, had all been made and considered here, and were sent, I imagine, from hence, by one who is offended that they were not thought of sufficient weight to stop the signing of the treaty, till the King should, in another council, reconsider those articles, and after agree

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From The American Quarterly Review (1827-1837)

1831-12-01 · Philadelphia

ing to omit them, order new copies to be drawn, though all n ready en- pa eat on parchment, as before settled. I did not think the articles of much consequence; but I thought it of consequence that no delay vou be given to the signing of the treaty after it was ready. Butif I had k hat those ob- jections would have been sent to the committee, I should have sent the answers they received, which had been satisfactory to all the Commissioners when the treaty was settled, and until the mind of one of them was altered by the opinion of two other ns. It is now too late to send those answers. But I wish, for the future, if such a case should again happen, that Congress would acquaint their Commissioners with such partial objections, and hear their reasons, they determine they have done wrong. In the mean time, this only to you in ‘private, it will be of no use to communicate it, as the resolutions of Congress will probably be received and executed before this comes to hand. ae “ Speaking of Commissioners in the plural puts me in mind of inquiring if it can be the intention of Congress to keep three Commissioners at this Court ? we have, indeed, four, with the gentleman from Tuscany, who continues here, and is very angry that he was not consulted in making the treaty, which he could have mended in several particulars; and perhaps he is angry with some reason, if the instructions to him do, as he says they do, require us to consult him. We shall soon have a fifth, for the envoy to Vienna not being received there, is, I hear, returning hither. The necessary expense of maintaining us all, is, I assure you, enormously great. I wish that the utility may equal it. 1 imagine every one of us spends nearly as much as Lord Stormont did. It is true, he left behind him the character of a niggard; and when the advertisement appeared for the sale of his household s, all Paris laughed at an article in it, perhaps very inno- cently expressed, “ Une grand quantité du linge de table qui n’a jamais servi. Cela est trés vraisemblable,” say they, “Car il n’a jamais donné a manger.” But as to our number, whatever advantage there might be in the joint counsels of three for framing and adjusting the articles of the treaty, there can ‘)> none in managing the business of a common resident here. On the contrary, all the ad- vantages in negotiation that result from secrecy of sentiment, and uniformity in expressing it, and in common business from despatch, are lost. In a court, too, where every word is watched and weighed, if a number of commissioners do not every one hold the same language in giving their opinion on any public transaction, this lessens their weight: and when it may be prudent to put on or avoid certain appearances of concern, for example, or indifference, satisfaction or dislike, when the utmost sincerity and candour should be used, and would gain credit if no semblance of art showed itself in the inadvertent discourse, perhaps, of only one of them, the hazard is in proportion to the number. And where every one must be consulted on every particular of common business, in ences every letter, &c., and one of them is offended, if the smallest thing is done without his consent, the difficulty of being often and long enough toge- ther, the different opinions, and the time consumed in debating them, the inter- ruptions of new applicants in the time of meeting, &c. &c. occasion so much postponing and delay, that correspondence languishes, occasions are lost, and the business is always behind hand. “I have mentioned the difficulty of being often and long enough together ; this is considerable, when they cannot all be accommodated in the same house ; but to find three persons, whose tempers are so good, and who like so well one another’s company, and manner of living and conversing, as to agree well them- selves, though being in one house, and whose servants will not, by their indis- cretion, quarrel with one another, and by artful misrepresentations, draw their masters in to take their parts, to the disturbance of necessary harmony, these are difficulties still greater, and almost insurmountable; and in consideration of the whole, I wish Congress would separate us.” Vol. iii. 53, 57

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From The New-England Historical and Genealogical Register (1874-1905)

1877-07-01 · Boston

5 July 22, 1778, Franklin wrote :—“ The English and French fleets of nearly equal force are now both at sea. It is not doubted but that if they meet, there will be a battle; for, though England through fear, affects to understand it to be still peace, and would excuse the depredations she has made on the commerce of France, by pretences of illicit trade, &c., yet France considers the war begun, from the time of the King’s message to Parliament, complaining of the insult France had given by treating with us, and demanding aids to resist it, and the answer of both Houses offering their lives and fortunes. These, and the taking several frigates, are deemed indisputable hostilities.”

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MR. JACOB ON BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. (To the Editor of the Maitland Mercury.)

From The Maitland Mercury and Hunter River General Advertiser (NSW : 1843 - 1893)

1887-11-26 · Maitland, New South Wales

22,1/8.-To lay duties on a commodity ex Tvnrfod whih our neighbour wants, is a knavish purieu, HU---a-. attempt t/get something for nothing. The states-man wh/firat invented it had the genius of a pickpocket» and would have been a pickpocket if fortur/had suitably placed him. The nations who havo/Pract"ed it have suffered fourfold, as pick-pockets ought to suffer. Vol. 2, page 443. iuppose X to be a country having thre

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