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gs-mult-fronting.tex
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%% -*- Coding:utf-8 -*-
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%% $RCSfile: mehr-vf-lb.tex,v $
%% $Revision: 1.10 $
%% $Date: 2009/03/27 16:28:44 $
%% Author: Stefan Mueller (DFKI)
%% Purpose:
%% Language: LaTeX
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%% Revision 1.10 2009/03/27 16:28:44 stefan
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%% Revision 1.9 2004/08/25 22:04:17 stefan
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%% Revision 1.8 2004/07/25 16:27:18 stefan
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%% Revision 1.1 2004/06/08 16:42:34 stefan
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\newcommand{\ao}{Avgustinova und Oliva\xspace}%
\chapter{Multiple fronting}
\label{chapter-mult-front}
\footnotetext{
This chapter is based on \citew{Mueller2005d}.
}
In the brief introductory Chapter~\ref{chapter-introduction}, I mentioned that German is a V2
language. This means that declarative sentences and certain interrogative sentences are formed by
placing a constituent in front of the finite verb.
\citet{Thiersch78a}, \citet[\page 55]{denBesten83a}, \citet{Uszkoreit87a}\ia{Uszkoreit}, among others, have suggested that
verb"=second sentences are in fact verb-initial sentences from which one constituent has been extracted and placed in the prefield.
In the case of (\mex{1}b), it would be \emph{das Buch} which has been extracted from the verb-initial clause.
\eal
\ex
\gll Kennt er das Buch?\\
knows he the book\\
\glt `Does he know the book?'
\ex
\gll Das Buch kennt er.\\
the book knows he\\
\glt `He knows the book.'
\zl
This chapter deals with apparent exceptions to the V2 property of German of the type exemplified in (\mex{1}):
\ea
\gll {}[Trocken] [durch die Stadt] kommt man am Wochenende auch mit der BVG.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}dry \spacebr{}through the city comes one at.the weekend also with the BVG\\
\footnotetext{
taz berlin, 10.07.1998, p.\,22.
}
\glt `With the BVG, you can be sure to get around town dry at the weekend.'
\z
Neither \emph{trocken} `dry' depends on \emph{durch die Stadt} `through the city' nor the other way
round. Rather both constituents depend on \emph{kommt} `comes'.
Viewing fronting as the extraction of one element has become the most established analysis up to now.
Examples in which more than one constituent occupies the prefield have been discussed from time to time in the
more theoretical literature. To account for these data, certain analyses have been developed where the
constituents preceding the finite verb are viewed as a single constituent, i.e. it is assumed there is
only a single constituent in the prefield (\citealp[\page 17]{Haider82}; \citealp[\page 79]{Wunderlich84};
Fanselow \citeyear[\page 99--100]{Fanselow87a}; \citeyear[Chapter~3]{Fanselow93a}; \citealp[\page
1634]{Hoberg97a}; G.\ \citealp[Chapter~5.3]{GMueller98a}).
The exceptions to this are \citet{Grubacic65a}, \citet{Lee75a}, \citet{Loetscher85a}, \citet[\page
412]{Eisenberg94a}, \citet{Jacobs86a}, \citet{BH2001a}, and \citet{Speyer2008a}.
\citet{Jacobs86a} and \citet{BH2001a} argue that it is necessary to assume V3 order for sentences with focus particles such as \word{nur}, \word{auch} and \word{sogar} or rather
a special position for focus particles preceding verb-second clauses.
\ea
\label{ex-v3-particles-jacobs}
\gll Nur die Harten kommen in den Garten.\\
only the hard come into the garden\\
\glt `Only the though ones make it into the garden.'
\z
For a discussion of these suggestions, see \citew{Reis2002a,Reis2005b} and \citew{Mueller2005e}.
Jacobs also assumes that several of the so-called `sentence adverbs' can occur in sentences with V3 constituent order.
He demonstrates this with \emph{leider} `unfortunately' und \emph{vermutlich} `probably' (p.\,107, p.\,112).
The examples which will be discussed in what follows are of a different kind. \citet{Grubacic65a} offers some examples which
I will view as cases of (apparent) multiple fronting. However, some of her examples are also of the same kind as discussed by \citet{Lee75a}.
\eal
\ex
\gll Piachi, als ihm der Stab gebrochen war, verweigerte sich hartnäckig der Absolution.\footnotemark\\
Piachi when him the stick broken was refused \self{} persistent the absolution\\
\footnotetext{
Kleist, \emph{Der Findling}, p.\,214.
}
\glt `Piachi persistently refused the absolution, when the stick was broken over him.'
\ex
\gll Der Junge, sobald er den Alten nur verstanden hatte, nickte und sprach: o ja, sehr gern.\footnotemark\\
the boy once he the old only understood had nodded and said o yes very gladly\\
\footnotetext{
Kleist, \emph{Der Findling}, p.\,21 I.
}
\glt `As soon as the boy understood the old man, he nodded and said: O yes, I like to do this very much.'
\ex
\gll Und damit, ehe ich noch recht begriffen, was sie sagt, auf dem Platz, vor Erstaunen sprachlos, läßt sie mich stehen.\footnotemark\\
nad there.with before I yet right understood what she said on the place before asonishment
speechless let she me stand\\
\footnotetext{
Kleist, \emph{Kohlhaas}, p.\,92.
}
\glt `After this she abandons me on the place speechless and before I fully understood what she was saying.'
\zl
I do not consider Lee's examples V3"=clauses in the sense that is relevant here. Some of the
examples are parenthetical insertions and some are of the type that is discussed in
Section~\ref{sec-analyse-mfvorschlaege}. For further discussion of Lee's data, see \citew[\page 33]{Mueller2003b}.
For expository purposes, I will discuss some data in the following section where it seems (at least on the surface) that more
than one constituent precedes the finite verb. Section~\ref{sec-analyse-mf} presents the analysis of
apparent multiple frontings. In Section~\ref{sec-analyse-mfvorschlaege}, I will show that many of the multiple fronting analyses suggested thus far make predictions
that are incompatible with the data in Section~\ref{sec-phenomenon-mult-front} and additional data from German.
In Section~\ref{sec-zusammenfassung}, I draw some conclusion.
\section{The phenomenon}
\label{sec-phenomenon-mult-front}
The assumption that only a single constituent can occur before the finite verb is well established and
descriptively correct for the vast majority of German sentences. In certain circumstances, however, several
constituents, that is, multiple phrases which are not syntactically dependent on each other, can occur there
together. The following sentences are examples of the occurence of different types of constituents in the prefield.
I have ordered the examples according to the type of the fronted elements. The division into constituents is shown
by the corresponding bracketing notation. In cases where multiple divisions are possible, I have omitted the brackets.
Many of the following examples were published in a descriptive paper that appeared in \emph{Deutsche
Sprache} \citep{Mueller2003b}. I found most of these examples by careful reading. After the
publication of the paper in 2003 I continued to collect data and made it available to the community
on my webpage \citep{Mueller2013a}. A further resource that is also available online is a database
put together by Felix \citet{Bildhauer2011a} in the DFG project \emph{Theorie und Implementation
einer Analyse der Informationsstruktur im Deutschen unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der linken
Satzperipherie} (MU 2822/1-1 and SFB 632, A6). He collected 3.200 examples mainly from the corpora
that are available from the Institut für Deutsche Sprache in Mannheim at \url{https://clarin.ids-mannheim.de/SFB632/A6}.\footnote{
\citet{Winkler2014a} uses almost exclusively data from
\citew{Mueller2003b,Mueller2005d,Mueller2013a,MBC2012a,BC2010a,Bildhauer2011a} without proper
acknowledgment of the source. Researchers who want to cite examples properly are urged to check
the mentioned papers before attributing data to Winkler.
}
These examples are annotated with respect to part of speech, grammatical function and information structural status.
The following examples were discussed in many German publications but until now they were not
available with glossing and translation.
\subsection{Subject and adverb}
\label{sec-subj-mf}
In (\ref{bsp-richtig-geld}), an adjective used adverbially is present in the prefield with the subject of a passive
clause. The same is true for the construction in (\ref{bsp-alle-traeume-gleichzeitig}):
The subject has been fronted along with an adjective.
\eal
\label{bsp-mehrfach-vf-subjekt}
\ex
\gll {}[Richtig] [Geld] wird aber nur im Briefgeschäft verdient.\label{bsp-richtig-geld}\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}right \spacebr{}money is PRT only in postal.services earned\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 28./29.10.2000, p.\,5.
}
\glt `It's only in postal services where you earn serious money.'
\ex
\gll {}[Alle Träume] [gleichzeitig] lassen sich nur selten verwirklichen.\label{bsp-alle-traeume-gleichzeitig}\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}all dreams \spacebr{}simultaneously let \textsc{refl} only seldom realized\\
\footnotetext{
Broschüre der Berliner Sparkasse, 1/1999.
}
\glt `All our dreams can only seldomly be realized at the same time.'
\zl
There are examples such as (\mex{1}) where one may be tempted to count the temporal adjunct
\emph{täglich} `daily' as part of the NP, but we are not
dealing with these kinds of constructions in \pref{bsp-alle-traeume-gleichzeitig} as the adverb obviously refers to \emph{verwirklichen} `to realize'.
\ea
\gll ein weiteres Großcenter [\ldots], das mit [20.000 Besuchern täglich] zu den beliebtesten gehört.\footnotemark\\
a further big.centre {} that with \spacebr{}20,000 vistors daily to the most.popular belongs\\
\footnotetext{
taz berlin, 11.10.2002, p.\,13.
}
\glt `another large scale centre, which -- with its total of 20,000 visitors daily -- counts as one of the most popular.'
\z
Note that the fronted elements in (\ref{bsp-mehrfach-vf-subjekt}) are logical objects. The fronting
of logical subjects together with other constituents does -- if we ignore examples like
(\ref{ex-v3-particles-jacobs}) which are sometimes analyzed as V3 \citep{Jacobs86a} -- not seem to be possible
(see \citew[\page 413]{Eisenberg94a}).\todostefan{Was hat Eisenberg genau gesagt? Daten?}
As \citet[\page 316]{Lenerz86a}, \citet[\page 99]{Fanselow87a}, and \citet[\page 32]{Duerscheid89a} noted, examples like (\mex{1}) are absolutely unacceptable.
\eal
\ex[*]{
\gll Ich das Wienerschnitzel habe bestellt.\footnotemark\\
I.\nom{} the.\acc{} wiener.schnitzel have ordered\\
\footnotetext{
\citew[\page 316]{Lenerz86a}.
}
\glt `I ordered the Wiener schnitzel.'
}
\ex[*]{
\gll Einen interessanten Vortrag der Sascha dürfte gehalten haben.\footnotemark\\
an interesting talk the Sascha might hold have\\
\footnotetext{
\citep[\page 99]{Fanselow87a}.
}
\glt `Sascha probably gave an interesting talk.'
}
\zl
\noindent
However, examples like (\mex{1}) -- which are quoted from
\citew[\page 72]{BC2010a} and \citew[\page 371]{Bildhauer2011a}, respectively, -- and the additional
example in (\mex{2}) show that it is possible in principle:
\eal
\ex
\gll [Weiterhin] [Hochbetrieb] herrscht am Innsbrucker Eisoval.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}further \spacebr{}high.traffic reigns at.the Innsbruck icerink\\
\footnotetext{
\citew[\page 72]{BC2010a}
}
\glt ‘It’s still all go at the Innsbruck icerink.’
\ex Die Kinder haben eigene Familien gegründet und wohnen alle einigermaßen in der Nähe, so daß die Jubilarin ihre 19 Enkel- und 17 Urenkelkinder häufig sehen kann.\\
\gll "`[Alle] [gleichzeitig] können mich nicht besuchen, weil ich {gar nicht} so viel Platz habe"', lacht sie.\footnotemark\\
\hspaceThis{"`[}all simultaneously can me not visit because I not.at.all so much space have laughs she\\
\footnotetext{
DeReKo corpus, V99/JAN.02701. Quoted from \citew[\page 371]{Bildhauer2011a}.
}
\glt `The children raised their own families and live close enough so that the jubilarian can see her 19 grandchildren and 17 great"=grandchildren often. It is not possible that all grandchildren and great"=grandchildren visit me simultaneously
because I do not have that much space, she says laughingly.'\todostefan{check}
\zl
\ea
\gll Zusätzlich Geld in Klimaschutz fließt dadurch allerdings nicht.\footnotemark\\
additionally money in climate.protection flows there.because however not\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 25.08.2020, p.\,8
}
\glt `However, this does not cause additional money to flow into climate protection.'
\z
\subsection{Accusative objects and prepositional phrases}
In (\mex{1}), the prefield consists of a noun phrase and a prepositional phrase.
\eal
\ex
\gll {}[Nichts] [mit derartigen Entstehungstheorien] hat es natürlich zu tun, wenn \ldots \label{bsp-nichts-mit-derartigen}\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}nothing \spacebr{}with these.kind theories.of.origin has it of.course to do if\\
\footnotetext{
K. Fleischmann, \emph{Verbstellung und Relieftheorie}, München, 1973, p.\,72.
quoted from \citew[\page 135]{vdVelde78a}.
}
\glt `It has, of course, nothing to do these kinds of theories of origin, if \ldots'
\ex
\gll {}[Zum zweiten Mal] [die Weltmeisterschaft] errang Clark 1965 \ldots\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}to.the second time \spacebr{}the world.championship won Clark 1965 {}\\
\footnotetext{
Der deutsche Straßenverkehr, 1968, Heft 6, p.\,210, quoted after \citet*[\page 224]{Neumann69a-u}.
%\citep*[\page 162]{Benes71}
}\label{bsp-zum-zweiten-mal-die-Weltmeisterschaft}
\glt `Clark won the world championship for the second time in 1965.'
\ex\label{die-kinder-nach-stuttgart}
\gll {}[Die Kinder] [nach Stuttgart] sollst du bringen.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}the children \spacebr{}to Stuttgart should you bring\\
\footnotetext{
\citep[\page 81]{Engel70a}
}
\glt `You should take the children to Stuttgart.'
\zl
\noindent
In (\ref{bsp-nichts-mit-derartigen}), we are dealing with \emph{cohesion}\footnote{%
See \citew[\page 77]{Bech55a} for more on the term cohesion.
}: The word \emph{nichts} `nothing' is a semantic fusion of \emph{nicht} `not'
and \emph{etwas} `something'. \emph {etwas} is the accusative object. The \emph{mit} PP is a
complement of \emph{zu tun haben} `to do have'.
The PP \emph{zum zweiten Mal} `for the second time' in \pref{bsp-zum-zweiten-mal-die-Weltmeisterschaft} is, on the other hand,
an adjunct.
\begin{comment}
Reviewer: raus
\citet[\page 69]{Fanselow93a} diskutiert das folgende Beispiel:
\ea
In Hamburg eine Wohnung hätte er sich besser nicht suchen sollen.
\z
Bei diesem Beispiel handelt es sich aber wahrscheinlich im NP-interne Voranstellung, wie sie
\zb von \citet[\page 68]{Fortmann96a-unread-gekauft} für (\mex{1}) in Erwägung gezogen wird:
\ea
Mit der Bahn eine Reise ist nicht geplant.
\z
\citet[\page 133]{Abb94} analysiert solche Voranstellungen als DP-interne Topikalisierungen.
Er ordnet auch folgende Beispiele als umgangsprachlich möglich ein:
\eal
\ex Übermorgen das Spiel gegen Kaiserslautern würde ich gern live sehen.
\ex Der die Karten hat, der Mann, soll gleich kommen.
\ex An der Wand das Bild kommt mir bekannt vor.
\zl
Bei (\mex{0}b) sieht man besonders deutlich, daß es sich nicht um eine Mehrfachbesetzung
des Vorfelds handeln kann, da der Relativsatz ja allein nicht vorfeldfähig ist. Solche Beispiele
sollen in diesem Aufsatz nicht behandelt werden.
\end{comment}
% M89/910.39160: Mannheimer Morgen, 21.10.1989, Politik; Jürgen Möllemanns Hindernislauf
% PS: Sicher nicht ganz unwahr ist, daß Möllemann seit Mai vorsichtshalber für jede Kabinettssitzung einen Fotografen einbestellt hat, der den großen Augenblick für die Nachwelt im Bild festhalten soll.
\subsection{Accusative objects and adverbs}
In (\mex{1}), we are dealing with sentences where the accusative object occurs in initial position together with an adverb
or an adjective used as an adverb.
\eal
\label{bsp-mehrfach-vf-adv-acc}
\ex
\gll {}[Gezielt] [Mitglieder] [im Seniorenbereich] wollen die Kendoka allerdings nicht werben.\label{bsp-gezielt-mitglieder}\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}specifically \spacebr{}members \spacebr{}in pensioner.area want the Kendoka PRT not gain\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 07.07.1999, p.\,18
}
\glt `The kendoka are not looking to gain members specifically in the pensioner demographic.'
\ex
\gll {}[Dauerhaft] [mehr Arbeitsplätze] gebe es erst, wenn sich eine Wachstumsrate von mindestens 2,5 Prozent über einen Zeitraum von drei oder vier Jahren halten lasse.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}constantly \spacebr{}more jobs gives it first when \textsc{refl} a growth.rate of at.least 2.5 percent over a time.period of three or four years hold let\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 19.04.2000, p.\,5. %taz Nr. 6123 vom 19.4.2000 Seite 5
}\label{bsp-dauerhaft-mehr-arbeitsplaetze}
\glt `In the long run, there will only be more jobs available when a growth rate of at least 2.5 percent
can be maintained over a period of three of four years.'
\ex
\gll {}[Kurz] [die Bestzeit] hatte der Berliner Andreas Klöden [\ldots] gehalten.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}briefly \spacebr{}the best.time had the Berliner Andreas Klöden {} held\\
\footnotetext{
Märkische Oderzeitung, 28./29.07.2001, p.\,28.
}\label{bsp-kurz-die-bestzeit}
\glt `Andreas Klöden from Berlin had briefly held the best time.'
%% \ex
%% \gll {}[Noch entschiedener] [prädikativen Charakter] hat das Adj., wenn [\ldots]\footnotemark\\
%% \spacebr{}still more.deciding \spacebr{}predicative character has the adj. if\\
%% \footnotetext{
%% In the main text of \citew[\page 52]{Paul1919a}.
%% }\label{bsp-praedikativen-charakter}
%% \glt `Even more decidingly, the adjective has a predicative character, if \ldots'
\zl
In (\ref{bsp-gezielt-mitglieder}), the prefield is possibly even occupied by three elements since it is more likely that the
prepositional phrase refers to \emph{werben} `to solicit' rather than to \emph{Mitglieder} `members'. The sentence does not have the interpretation
that they want to gain `members in the pensioner demographic' but rather that the people who the advertising measures
are trying to attract are in fact seniors -- that is, they are advertising to the `demographic of seniors'.
The example (\ref{bsp-gezielt-mitglieder}) cannot be analyzed in the same way that \citet{Jacobs86a} suggested for
sentences such as (\mex{1}) since \emph{gezielt} `specifically' only has scope over \emph{werben} `to solicit' but not over the modal verb.
\ea
\label{bsp-vermutlich}
\gll {}[Vermutlich] [Brandstiftung] war die Ursache für ein Feuer in einem Waschraum in der Heidelberger Straße.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}supposedly \spacebr{}arson was the cause for a fire in a washroom in the Heidelberger Street\\
\footnotetext{
Mannheimer Morgen, 04.08.1989, Lokales; Pflanzendieb.
}
\glt `Arson was supposedly the cause of a fire in a washroom in the Heidelberger Straße.'
\z
In Jacob's analysis, \emph{gezielt} `specifically' would be connected to the rest of the sentence
and one would therefore get a structure where the adverbial has scope over the modal verb.
\subsection{Präpositinalobjekt und Adverb}
(\mex{1}) shows an example of a fronting of an adverb together with a prepositional object:
\ea
\gll {}[Besonders] [an Profil] gewinnt Kathrin Passig allerdings in der Auseinandersetzung mit Jonathans Franzens technikkritischen Essays.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr especially \spacebr at profile wins Kathrin Passing but in the argument with Jonathans Franzen's tecnics.critically essays\\
\footnotetext{
taz 20./21.07.2019, p.\,16
}
\glt `Kathrin Passig gains profile especially in the competition with those essays of Jonathans
Franzen that are critical of technology.'
\z
\subsection{Dative objects and prepositional phrases}
(\mex{1}) is an example of simultaneous fronting of a dative object and a prepositional object.
\begin{sloppypar}
\ea\iw{gratulieren}
\gll {}[Der Universität] [zum Jubiläum] gratulierte auch Bundesminister Dorothee Wilms, die in den fünfziger Jahren in Köln studiert hatte.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}the university \spacebr{}to.the anniversary congratulated also state.minister Dorothee Wilms who in the fifties years in Cologne studied had\\
\footnotetext{
Kölner Universitätsjournal, 1988, p.\,36, quoted from \citew[\page 87]{Duerscheid89a}.
}
\glt `State minister Dorothee Wilms -- who studied in Cologne in the 1950s -- also congratulated the university on its anniversary.'
\z
\end{sloppypar}
\subsection{Dative and accusative object}
\label{sec-dat-acc-vf}
The following examples are constructed examples from the literature that show that dative NPs can be
fronted together with accusative NPs:
\eal
\ex
\gll Der Maria einen Ring glaube ich nicht, dass er je schenken wird.\footnotemark\\
the Maria a ring believes I not that he ever give will\\
\footnotetext{
\citew[\page 67]{Fanselow93a}.
}
\glt `I dont think that he would ever give Maria a ring.'
\ex
\gll Ihm den Stern hat Irene gezeigt.\footnotemark\\
him the star has Irene shown\\
\footnotetext{
\citew[\page 412]{Eisenberg94a}.%
}
\glt `Irene showed him the star.'
\ex
\gll (Ich glaube) Kindern Bonbons gibt man besser nicht.\footnotemark\\
\hspaceThis{(}I think children candy gives one better not\\
\footnotetext{
G.\ \citew[\page 260]{GMueller98a}.
}
\glt `I think it's better not to give candy to children.'
\zl
\ea
\gll Studenten einem Lesetest unterzieht er des öfteren.\\
students a reading.test subjects.to he the often\\
\glt `He often makes his students do a reading comprehension test.'
\z
(\mex{0}) is due to Anette Frank (p.\,c.\ 2002).
I discussed these sentences in \citew{Mueller2005d}. Back then I did not have any attested
examples apart from the one in (\mex{1}), which involves an idiom.
\ea
\label{bsp-zeitgeist}
\gll {}[Dem Zeitgeist] [Rechnung] tragen im unterfränkischen Raum die privaten, städtischen und kommunalen Musikschulen.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}the.\dat{} Zeitgeist \spacebr{}account carry in.the lower.Franconian area the private, urban and communal music.schools\\
\footnotetext{
Fränkisches Volksblatt, quoted from Spiegel, 24/2002, p.\,234.
}
\z
But a more systematic corpus exploration by \citet{Bildhauer2011a} resulted in attested examples like the one in (\mex{1}a). (\mex{1}b) was
found by chance by Arne Zeschel.
\eal
\ex
\label{ex-dem-saft-eine-kraeftige-farbe}
\gll Dem Saft eine kräftige Farbe geben Blutorangen.\footnotemark\\
the.\dat{} juice a.\acc{} strong color give blood.oranges\\
\footnotetext{
\citet{BC2010a} found this example in the \emph{Deutsches Referenzkorpus} (DeReKo), hosted at Institut
für Deutsche Sprache, Mannheim: \url{http://www.ids-mannheim.de/kl/projekte/korpora}
}
\glt `Blood oranges give the juice a strong color.'
\ex\label{bsp-ihnen-für-heute}
\gll {}[Ihnen] [für heute] [noch] [einen schönen Tag] wünscht Claudia Perez.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}you.\dat{} \spacebr{}for today \spacebr{}still \spacebr{}a.\acc{} nice day wishes Claudia Perez\\
\footnotetext{
Claudia Perez, Länderreport, Deutschlandradio.
}%
\glt `Claudia Perez wishes you a nice day.'
\zl
(\mex{1}) also from \citew[\page 369]{Bildhauer2011a} again involves an idioimatic example:
\ea
\gll {}[Den Kölnern] [einen Bärendienst] erwies nach etwas mehr als einer Stunde ausgerechnet Nationalspieler Podolski,
der wegen einer Fußblessur zunächst auf der Bank Platz nehmen musste.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}the inhabitants.of.Cologne \spacebr{}a disservice did after some more than an
hour of.all.people national.player Podolski who because.of his foot.wound initially on the bench
seat take must\\
\footnotetext{
\url{http://www.haz.de/Nachrichten/Sport/Fussball/Uebersicht/FC-Augsburg-gelingt-Coup-gegen-acht-Koelner},
10.02.2010.
}
\glt `Podolski did a disservice to the Cologne team after a little more than an hour since he had to
seat himself on the bench due to a foot wound.'
\z
See (\ref{ex-multiple-nps-collocation-idiom}) and (\ref{bsp-weiterhin-derjugend}) for further examples that involve the
fronting of idiom/""collocation parts or parts of support verb constructions.
These examples show that such frontings may include two NPs and hence the syntax has to account for
such structures. This does not mean that all structures involving two fronted NPs will be predicted
to be possible. For instance frontings like the one in (\mex{1}) which I discussed in
\citew{Mueller2005d} are hardly possible without a context.
\ea[?*]{
\label{ex-maria-peter-stellt-max-vor}
\gll Maria Peter stellt Max vor.\\
Maria Peter introduces Max \particle\\
\glt `Max introduces Peter to Maria.'
}
\z
As \citet[\page 48]{Winkler2014a} suggested the markedness of examples like (\mex{0}) is probably
due to the lack of case marking of the noun phrases. Because of this it is unclear who
introduces whom to whom. The sentence greatly improves if determiners are used with nouns since the
determiners are case marked and help to identify which noun fills which grammatical role.
\eal
\ex[?]{
\gll Die Maria dem Peter stellt der Max vor.\\
the.\acc{} Maria the.\dat{} Peter introduces the.\nom{} Max \particle\\
\glt `Max introduces Maria to Peter.'
}
\ex[?]{
\gll Der Maria den Peter stellt der Max vor.\\
the.\dat{} Maria the.\acc{} Peter introduces the.\nom{} Max \particle\\
\glt `Max introduces Peter to Maria.'
}
\zl
So, the unacceptability of (\ref{ex-maria-peter-stellt-max-vor}) may be due to processing
difficulties.\todostefan{Say something about *Ich das Wienerschnitzel habe bestellt. Should the
discussion about NPs that was in the problem section be reflected somewhere else?}
\subsection{Instrumental prepositional phrases and temporal prepositional phrases}
In (\mex{1}), there is both a temporal prepositional phrase as well as an instrumental prepositional phrase
in the pre-field.
\ea
\label{bsp-instrument}
\gll {}[Zum letzten Mal] [mit der Kurbel] wurden gestern die Bahnschranken an zwei Übergängen im Oberbergischen Ründeroth geschlossen.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}to.the last time \spacebr{}with the crank were yesterday the train.barriers at two crossings in Oberbergisch Ründeroth closed\\
\footnotetext{
Kölner Stadtanzeiger, 26.04.1988, p.\,28, quoted from \citew[\page 107]{Duerscheid89a}.
}
\glt `The barriers at a train station in Ründeroth, Oberberg were closed using a crank for the last time yesterday.'
\z
I have also found many other examples for most of the types of examples discussed here. Furthermore, we find multiple fronting
with adjectives used adverbially and directional/local prepositional phrases, noun phrases in copula constructions with adverbials,
prepositional phrases in copula constructions with adverbs, predicative conjunction phrase with adverbs, directional prepositional
phrases with adverbs as well as local prepositional phrases with adverbs. For space considerations, not all examples have been included
here. A comprehensive discussion of the data can be found in \citep{Mueller2003b}, which appeared in \emph{Deutsche Sprache}.
Further data from newspaper can be found at
\url{https://hpsg.hu-berlin.de/~stefan/Pub/mehr-vf-ds.html}. A more systematic data collection was
done in the project A~6 of the SFB~632. The database is documented in \citew{Bildhauer2011a}. The
database is hosted at the IDS Mannheim and can be accessed via \url{http://hpsg.fu-berlin.de/Resources/MVB/}.
\subsection{Support verb constructions and idiomatic usages}
\label{sec-phraseolog}
In examples \fromto{\mex{1}}{\mex{3}}, we are dealing with support verb constructions/idiomatic usages, where
either a set phrase or some fixed lexical element has been fronted together with a complement or adjunct.
In (\mex{1}), there is an element in the prefield which is not part of the phraseologism. On the
other hand, there are only parts of a phraseologism in the prefield in example (\mex{2}). The most notable feature of the examples in
(\mex{3}) is that more than two constituents are occupying the prefield.
\eal%
\label{pvp-fvg-idioms}%
\ex
\gll {}[Den Kürzungen] [zum Opfer] fiel auch das vierteljährlich erscheinende Magazin \emph{aktuell}, das seit Jahren als eines der kompetentesten in Sachen HIV und Aids gilt.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}the cuts \spacebr{}to.the victim fell also the quarterly appearing magazine \emph{aktuell} which since years as one of.the most.competent in things HIV and Aids counts \\
\footnotetext{
zitty, 8/1997, p.\,36.
}
\glt `The magazine \emph{aktuell}, which appears quarterly and has for years had a reputation as being one of the most competent when it comes to HIV and Aids, has also fallen victim to the cuts.'
\ex
\gll {}[Eine lange Kolonialgeschichte] [hinter sich] hat das einst britische Warenhaus Lane Crawford\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}a long colonial.history \spacebr{}behind \textsc{refl} has the once British warehouse Lane Crawford \\
\footnotetext{
Polyglott-Reiseführer "`Hongkong Macau"', München 1995, p.\,28.
}
\glt `The former British warehouse Lane Crawford has a long colonial history behind it'
\ex %Wenn es darauf ankommt, wirkt ein CDU-Politiker, der gegen die SPD-Regierung schimpft, eben einfach überzeugender.
\gll {}[Ernsthaft] [in Schwierigkeiten] geriet Koch deshalb nur am Anfang, als es um den drohenden Irakkrieg ging.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}seriously \spacebr{}in difficulties came Koch therefore only at.the start when it around the threatening Iraq.war went\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 28.01.2003, p.\,6.
}
\glt `Koch therefore only encountered serious problems at the start when dealing with the impending Iraq war.'
\ex
\gll {}[Ihm] [zur Seite] steht als stellvertretender Vorstandschef Gerd Tenzer.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}him \spacebr{}to.the side stands as temporary committee.boss Gerd Tenzer\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 18.07.2002, p.\,7.
}
\glt `Gerd Tenzer is on his side as temporary head of the committee.'
\ex
\gll Sex ist je besser, desto lauter. [Am lautesten] ["`zur Sache"'] gehe es in Köln und Düsseldorf mit einem Spitzenwert von jeweils 25\,\%.\footnotemark\\
Sex is the better, the louder \spacebr{}at.the loudest \hspaceThis{["`}to.the thing goes it in Cologne and Düsseldorf with a top.value of each 25\,\%\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 19.04.2000, p.\,11.% April
}
\glt `When it comes to sex: the better, the louder. The loudest when ``getting down to business'' can be found in Cologne and Düsseldorf with both topping 25\,\%.'
% Marga Reis -> Gradpartikel
% \ex {}[Erst recht] [auf Touren] brachte er sie, als das Regime im Jahr darauf den
% Liedermacher Wolf Biermann ausbürgerte und zumeist Intellektuelle gegen
% diese Willkür protestierten.\footnote{
% Spiegel 44/2000, p.\,272
% }\label{bsp-erst-recht-auf-touren-brachte}
\ex
\gll {}[Damit] [im Zusammenhang] steht auch eine Eigenschaft der paarweisen Konjunkte\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}with.it \spacebr{}in.the relation stands also a property of.the in.pairs conjuncts\\
\footnotetext {
In the main text of \citew[\page 40]{Haider88a}.
}
\glt `A property of the conjuncts in pairs is also related to this.'
\ex
\gll {}[Endgültig] [auf den TV"=Geschmack] kam Anne Will bei den olympischen Spielen 2000.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}finally \spacebr{}on the TV"=taste came Anne Will at the Olympic Games 2000\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 16.03.2001, p.\,12.
}
\glt `Anne Will finally got a taste of television at the 2000 Olympic Games.'
% Marga Reis sagt, das sei sowas wie ein Fokuspartikel
% \ex {}[Zunehmend] [Spaß] hat Michael Jordan mit seinen Washington Wizards: [\ldots]\footnote{
% taz, 14.12.2001, p.\,19
% }
%
\ex
\gll {}[Stark] [unter Druck] geriet der Pharmawert Schering.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}strong \spacebr{}under pressure came the pharmaceutical Schering\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 28./29.09.2002, p.\,9 (dpa).
}
\glt `The pharmaceutical company Schering came under extreme pressure.'
\zl
%-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
\eal
\ex\label{mit-den-huehnern-ins-bett}
\gll {}[Mit den Hühnern] [ins Bett] gehen sie dort.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}with the chickens \spacebr{}in.the bed go they there\\
\footnotetext{
\citew[\page 81]{Engel70a}. Engel discusses this example in connection with \pref{die-kinder-nach-stuttgart}.
Engel views \emph{ins Bett} and \emph{nach Stuttgart} as inner frame elements
and notes that the ability to front a constituent with an inner frame element is restricted. Engel also
classifies adjectives in copula constructions as inner frame elements. Fronting of adjectives with dependent
elements behaves completely normally however.
See Section~\ref{sec-keine-mehr-vf-pvp}.%
}
\glt `They go to bed very early there.'
% {}[Mit den Hühnern] [ins Bett] gehen sie in diesem fernen Land.\footnote{
% \citet[p.\,192]{Engel94} schreibt zu diesem Beispiel: \emph{Gelegentlich
% werden sogar mehrere -- teilweise umfangreiche -- Satzglieder mit einer infiniten Verbform
% zusammen ins Vorfeld übernommen}. In (\ref{mit-den-huehnern-ins-bett}) liegt aber keine infinite
% Verbform vor. Auf p.\,195 wird dasselbe Beispiel zusammen mit (i) diskutiert:
% \ea
% Ans Meer gefahren sind wir erst im September.
% \z
% Man kann das nur so verstehen, daß angenommen wird, daß in (\ref{mit-den-huehnern-ins-bett}) eine
% zu (i) parallele Konstruktion vorliegt. Das ist die Analyse, die ich im Abschnitt~\ref{sec-analyse-mf}
% vorschlagen werde.%
%
% Mit den Hühnern ins Bett pflegt er zu gehen. Engel82a:227
%
%}
\ex
\gll {}[Öl] [ins Feuer] goß gestern das Rote-Khmer-Radio\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}oil \spacebr{}in.the fire poured yesterday the Rote-Khmer-Radio \\
\footnotetext{
taz, 18.06.1997, p.\,8.
}
\glt `Rote-Khmer-Radio fanned the flames yesterday'
\ex\iw{setzen!das Tüpfel aufs i $\sim$}
\gll {}[Das Tüpfel] [aufs i] setze der Bürgermeister von Miami, als er am Samstagmorgen von einer schändlichen Attacke der US-Regierung sprach.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}the dot \spacebr{}on.the i put the mayor of Miami as he on Saturday.morning from a shameful attack of.the US-government spoke\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 25.04.2000, p.\,3. %taz Nr. 6126 vom 25.4.2000 Seite 3
}
\glt `On Saturday morning, the icing on the cake was when the mayor of Miami spoke of the shameful attack by the US government.'
\ex
\gll {}[Ihr Fett] [weg] bekamen natürlich auch alte und neue Regierung [\ldots]\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}their fat \spacebr{}away got of.course also old and new government\\
\footnotetext{
Mannheimer Morgen, 10.03.1999, Lokales; SPD setzt auf den "`Doppel-Baaß"'. %M99/903.16159 Mannheimer Morgen, 10.03.1999, Lokales; SPD setzt auf den "Doppel-Baaß"
}
\glt `Both the old and new governments were taken to task \ldots'
\ex
\gll {}[Den Finger] [mitten in die Wunde] legte jetzt eine findige Gruppe Internetexperten aus Österreich: [\ldots]\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}the finger \spacebr{}middle in the wound laid now a clever group internet.experts from Austria\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 04./05.11.2000, p.\,30.
}
\glt `A clever group of internet experts from Austria have now rubbed salt into the wounds \ldots'
%Partikel steht noch rechts -> gesamte Verb kann nicht in V1 stehen
% Mit rechten Dingen geht es hingegen bei den deutschen Turnieren zu.\footnote{
% taz, 19.07.2001, p.\,19
% }
\ex
\gll {}[Heiß] [her] geht es dagegen beim Thema "`Kundenbewertungen"' -- einem Herzstück der Online"=Börse.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}hot \spacebr{}to.here goes it on.the.other.hand by.the topic customer.reviews {} a centrepiece of.the online"=market\\
\footnotetext{
Spiegel, 1/2003, p.\,123.
}
\glt `On the other hand, it gets rather heated when it comes to `customer reviews' -- a crucial part of the online market.'
\ex
%Merkwürdig: Im Konzerthaus stieg gestern Abend eine Benefiz-Gala - "Cinema for Peace". Geladen hatte Roger Moore (Ex-007, jetzt Unicef), erwartet wurde Hollywoodpersonal à la George Clooney. Am Gendarmenmarkt aber flackert seitdem, als "Zeichen gegen den Krieg", ein Ableger der "Welt-Friedensflamme". Entzündet hat sie Christopher Lee. Und was von diesem Herrn zu erwarten ist, weiß man spätestens seit "The Two Towers".
% Absatz
\gll {}[Übles] [im Schilde] führten auch zwei mit Schußwaffen ausgestattete Maskierte, die am frühen Montagmorgen eine Kneipe in Neukölln überfielen und mit den Tageseinnahmen flüchteten.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}bad.things \spacebr{}in.the shield led also two with guns equipped masked.men who on early monday.morning a pub in Neukölln held.up and with the daily.takings fled\\
\footnotetext{
taz berlin, 11.02.2003, p.\,20.
}
\glt `Two masked men carrying guns were also up to no good as they held up a pub in Neukölln and made off with that day's takings.'
\zl
\eal
\label{drei-und-mehr-idiomatisch}
\ex
\gll {}[Endlich] [Ruhe] [in die Sache] brachte die neue deutsche Schwulenbewegung zu Beginn der siebziger Jahre.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}finally \spacebr{}peace \spacebr{}in the matter brought the new German gay.movement to beginning of.the seventy years\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 07.11.1996, p.\,20.
}
\glt `The new German gay movement finally brought peace to the matter in the early 70s.'
\ex
% Den Arbeitern in der Tischlerei gefällt's, auch wenn ein ganz Junger offen zugibt, daß er "den Mann nur vom Namen her kennt und ihn Politik überhaupt nicht interessiert".
\gll {}[Wenig] [mit Politik] [am Hut] hat auch der Vorarbeiter, der sich zur Aussage hinreißen läßt, "`daß der Sausgruber das falsche anhat"'.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}little \spacebr{}with politics \spacebr{}on.the hat has also the foreman who \textsc{refl} to.the statement carry.away lets that the Sausgruber the wrong.one wears\\
\footnotetext{
Vorarlberger Nachrichten, 03.03.1997, p.\,A5.
}\label{bsp-wenig-mit-politik-am-hut-hat}
\glt `The foreman also cares little about politics and got so carried away he claimed that Sausgruber was wearing the wrong thing.'
\ex
\gll {}[Wenig] [mit den aktuellen Ereignissen] [im Zusammenhang] steht die Einstellung der Produktion bei der Montlinger Firma Mega-Stahl AG auf Ende November.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}little \spacebr{}with the recent events \spacebr{}in relation stands the
cancellation of.the production from the Montlingen company Mega-Stahl AG on end November\\
\footnotetext{
St. Galler Tagblatt, 26.10.2001 ; Sparsam auf bessere Zeiten wartend.
}
\glt `The suspension of production until the end of November at the company Mega-Stahl AG in Montlingen has little to do with recent events.'
% \ex
% % Ihren frühen Arbeitszeitbeginn -- Prammer startet gegen sieben Uhr -- behält sie übrigens bei, egal, wie spät es in der vorangegangenen Nacht wurde.
% Wenig mit Sport am Hut hat auch Unterrichtsministerin Elisabeth Gehrer (VP).
% X00/JAN.03127 Oberösterreichische Nachrichten, 25.01.2000; Sauna, Schokobananen und viel zu wenig Schlaf
% P92/AUG.24714 Die Presse, 20.08.1992; Ein Kokoschka für Bürgermeister Zilk, ein Attersee für Pasterk
% Nun hängt's, verkehrt rum, in seinem Pressebüro. Wenig mit Bildern am Hut, pardon: an der Wand, hat auch Stadtrat Johann Hatzl.
\zl
%
%-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
%
The examples in (\mex{1}) show that the verbal part of the idiom, i.e. the functional verbal complex,
does not necessary have to be adjacent to the fronted elements.
\eal
\label{bsp-idioms-nicht-adjazent}
\ex
\gll {}[Öl] [ins Feuer] dürfte auch die Ausstrahlung eines Interviews gießen, das die US-Fernsehstation ABC in der vergangenen Woche mit Elián führte.\label{bsp-oel-ins-feuer-duerfte}\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}oil \spacebr{}in.the fire may also the broadcast of.an interview pour that the US-TV.station ABC in the last week with Elián led\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 28.03.2000, p.\,9 %28.3.2000 Seite 9.
}
\glt `The broadcast of an interview with Elián carried out last week by the US Network ABC should also fan the flames somewhat.'
\ex\iw{kommen!in Berührung $\sim$}\label{bsp-zum-ersten-mal-mit-punk}
\gll {}[Zum ersten Mal] [persönlich] [in Berührung mit Punk und New Wave] bin ich über Leute gekommen, die in meiner Lehrklasse waren.\label{bsp-zum-ersten-mal-persoenlich-in-beruehrung-bin-ich-gekommen}\footnotemark$^,$\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}the first time \spacebr{}peronsally \spacebr{}in contact with Punk and New Wave be I over people come who in my vocational apprenticeship.class were\\
\footnotetext{
Toster in an interview in Ronald Galenza und Heinz Havemeister (eds).
{\em Wir wollen immer artig sein \ldots{} Punk, New Wave, HipHop,
Independent"=Szene in der DDR 1980--1990\/}, Berlin:
Schwarzkopf \& Schwarzkopf Verlag, 1999, p.\,309.
}
\footnotetext{
If one analyzes \emph{in Berührung kommen} as a support verb construction, then one has to view the
\emph{mit} PP as an extraposed argument of the support verb construction. As a result, one would have four constituents in the pre-field in \pref{bsp-zum-ersten-mal-persoenlich-in-beruehrung-bin-ich-gekommen}.
If one were to analyze \emph{in Berührung mit Punk und New Wave} ìn contact with Punk and New Wave'
as a single prepositional phrase, (\ref{bsp-zum-ersten-mal-mit-punk}) would still have three fronted
constituents.%
}
\glt `I first came into contact with Punk and New Wave through people in the apprenticeship class.'
\ex\label{wirklich-in-bed}
\gll {}[wirklich] [in Bedrängnis] hatte die Konkurrenz den Texaner nämlich auch gestern nicht bringen können.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}really \spacebr{}in trouble had the competition the Texan actually also yesterday not bring could\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 24.07.2002, p.\,19.
}
\glt `In fact, the competition couldn't pin the Texan into a corner yesterday either.'
\ex\label{ein-bisschen-wasser-in-den-wein}
\gll Allerdings: [Ein bißchen Wasser] [in den Wein] muß ich schon gießen, [\ldots]\footnotemark\\
nevertheless \spacebr{}a bit water \spacebr{}in the wine must I PRT pour\\
\footnotetext{
%obwohl ich nicht die Probleme mit dem Empfang habe, von dem (sic!) die Hauptstadtpresse schon nach einem Tag in fetten Schlagzeilen zu berichten weiß: [\ldots]
taz, 05.03.2003, p.\,18.
}
\glt `Nevertheless, I will have to add a bit of water to the wine.'
\zl
In the examples in (\mex{0}), the finite verb is a modal verb or a perfect auxillary verb. (\mex{1})
presents an example with the phraseologism \emph{eine gute Figur machen} `to cut a fine figure', where the finite verb occupies
the left sentential bracket but is, however, not adjacent to \emph{Figur} but rather separated from it by
the heavy \emph{bei} prepositional phrase.
\ea
\gll {}[Die beste Figur] [beim ersten Finalspiel um die Basketball"=Meisterschaft in der Berliner Max"=Schmeling"=Halle] machte ohne Zweifel Calvin Oldham.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}the best figure \spacebr{}at.the first final.game for the basketball"=championship in the Berlin Max"=Schmeling"=Halle made without doubt Calvin Oldham.\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 22.05.2000, p.\,17.
}
\glt `It was Calvin Oldham who, without doubt, made the biggest impression during the first round of the final of the basketball championship in the Max Schmeling Halle in Berlin.'
\z
(\ref{bsp-gezielt-mitglieder}) and %(\ref{bsp-erstmals-in-Hongkong}),
(\ref{bsp-kurz-die-bestzeit}) are examples of multiple fronting without idioms where the verb on which the
constituents are dependent is not in initial position.
Analyses which assume that multiple fronting is only possibly when the verb on which the constituents
are dependent is in initial position, are therefore inadequate.
The examples in (\mex{1}) show that it is certainly possible for two noun phrases to occupy the pre-field.
\eal
\label{ex-multiple-nps-collocation-idiom}
\ex
\label{bsp-zeitgeist-zwei}
\gll {}[Dem Zeitgeist] [Rechnung] tragen im unterfränkischen Raum die privaten, städtischen und kommunalen Musikschulen.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}the Zeitgeist \spacebr{}account carry in.the lower.Franconian area the private, urban and communal music.schools\\
\footnotetext{
Fränkisches Volksblatt, quoted from Spiegel, 24/2002, p.\,234.
}
\glt `The private, urban and communal music schools in the lower Franconian area account for the
\emph{zeitgeist}.'
\ex
\gll [Dem Frühling] [ein Ständchen] brachten Chöre aus dem Kreis Birkenfeld im Oberbrombacher Gemeinschaftshaus.\footnotemark\\
\hspaceThis{[}to.the spring \hspaceThis{[}a little.song brought choirs from the county Birkenfeld
in.the Oberbrombach municipal.building\\
\footnotetext{
\sigle{RHZ02/JUL.05073}.
}
\glt `Choirs from Birkenfeld county welcomed (the arrival of) spring with a little song in the Oberbrombach municipal building.'\label{fruehling}
\ex
\gll [Dem Ganzen] [ein Sahnehäubchen] setzt der Solist Klaus Durstewitz auf\footnotemark\\
\hspaceThis{[}to.the everything \hspaceThis{[}a little.cream.hood puts the soloist Klaus
Durstewitz on\\
\footnotetext{
\sigle{NON08/FEB.08467}.
}
\glt `Soloist Klaus Durstewitz is the cherry on the cake.'\label{bsp-sahne}
\zl
See also (\ref{ex-dem-saft-eine-kraeftige-farbe}) for a non-idiomatic example.
\subsection{Fronting of three or more constituents}
\label{sec-fronting-more-than-two}
\citet[\page 11]{Luehr85a}\iadata{Lühr} presents examples with more than two fronted elements:\footnote{
She also discusses other combinations of elements in the prefield which occur in Feuchtwanger's texts.
She arrives, however, at the conclusion that the order of elements is a conscious style choice on the part
of the author designed to mirror camera movements in films. The examples are rather deviant in standard German.
\citet{Lee75a} discusses several examples from Kleist where sometimes up to four constituents have been fronted.%
}
\eal
\ex
\gll Im Schnellzug, nach den raschen Handlungen und Aufregungen der Flucht und der
Grenzüberschreitung, nach einem Wirbel von Spannungen und Ereignissen, Aufregungen
und Gefahren, noch tief erstaunt darüber, daß alles gut gegangen war, sank Friedrich
Klein ganz und gar in sich zusammen.\footnotemark\\
in.the express.train after the swift action and excitement of.the escape and the border.crossing after a whirlwind of
tensions and events commotions and danger still deeply shocked about that all good gone was sank Friedrich Klein whole and done
in REFL together\\
\footnotetext{
Herman Hesse. Klein und Wagner. In {\em Gesammelte Werke Band 5\/}. Frankfurt/M. 1970.
}
\glt 'In the express train, following the swift events and action of the escape and the border crossing, after a whirlwind of tensions and events, commotion and danger and still deeply shocked that everything turned out well, Friedrich Klein slumped down completely into himself.'
\ex Mit seinen großen Buchstaben, quer über die letzte Schreibmaschinenseite des Gesuches,
langsam mit rotem Stift malt Klenk: "`Abgelehnt K."'.\footnote{
Lion Feuchtwanger. \emph{Erfolg. Drei Jahre Geschichte einer Provinz}. Frankfurt/M. 1981, p.\,114.
}\todoandrew{Übersetzung fehlt}
\zl
See also (\ref{bsp-gezielt-mitglieder}) for a further example with more than two elements in the prefield. The examples in
(\ref{drei-und-mehr-idiomatisch}) constitute idiomatic usages (support verb constructions) which also have more than two fronted
constituents.
The following examples are taken from newspapers:\footnote{
I thank Felix Bildhauer\aimention{Felix Bildhauer} for these examples.
}
\eal
\ex\label{bsp-ebenfalls-positiv}
\gll {}[Ebenfalls] [positiv] [auf die Kursentwicklung] wirkte sich die Ablehnung einer Zinserhöhung durch die
Bank of England aus.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}also \spacebr{}positive \spacebr{}on the market.trend affected \refl{} the rejection of.a
rate.hike by the Bank of England \partic\\
\footnotetext{
Tiroler Tageszeitung, 18.05.1998, Ressort: Wirtschaft; Frankfurt in fester Verfassung; I98/MAI.19710.
}
\glt `The rejection of a rate hike by the bank of England also affected the market trend positively.'
\ex
\gll {}[Zum ersten Mal] [ein Trikot] [in der Bundesliga] hat Chen Yang angezogen, und zwar das des Aufsteigers Eintracht Frankfurt.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}to.the first time \spacebr{}a jersey in the Bundesliga has Chen Yang on.put und
namely that the promoted.team Eintracht Frankfurt\\
\footnotetext{
Frankfurter Rundschau, 24.08.1998, S. 13, Ressort: FRANKFURTER, R98/AUG.67436.
}
\glt `Chen Yang put on a jersey in the Bundesliga for the first time, namely one of the jerseys of
the promoted team Eintracht Frankfurt.'
\ex\label{bsp-weiterhin-derjugend}
\gll {}[Weiterhin] [der Jugend] [das Vertrauen] möchte man beim KSK Klaus schenken.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}still \spacebr{}the.\dat{} youth \spacebr{}the.\acc{} trust wants one at.the KSK Klaus give.as.a.present\\
\footnotetext{
Vorarlberger Nachrichten, 26.09.1997, S. C4, Ressort: Sport; Die Ländle-Staffeln wollen Serie halten, V97/SEP.48951.
}
\glt `People at the KSK Klaus want to continue to trust the youth.'
\zl
(\ref{bsp-ihnen-für-heute}) -- repeated here as (\mex{1}) for convenience -- is the most extreme example I know of with four constituents before the finite verb:\footnote{
I thank Arne Zeschel\aimention{Arne Zeschel} for this example.
}
\ea\label{bsp-ihnen-für-heute-zwei}
\gll {}[Ihnen] [für heute] [noch] [einen schönen Tag] wünscht Claudia Perez.\footnotemark\\
\spacebr{}you.\dat{} \spacebr{}for today \spacebr{}still \spacebr{}a.\acc{} nice day wishes Claudia Perez\\
\footnotetext{
Claudia Perez, Länderreport, Deutschlandradio.
}%
\glt `Claudia Perez wishes you a nice day.'
\z
\subsection{Non-cases of multiple fronting}
\label{sec-keine-mehr-vf-pvp}
This section explores examples that were discussed in connection with multiple frontings but behave
different in important respects. Subsection~\ref{sec-pvp-is-not-mf} deals with complex \vfs that
include a verb, Subsection~\ref{sec-left-dislocation-hanging-topic} deals with left dislocation and
hanging topic and Subsection~\ref{sec-np-internal-frontings} deals with NP-internal
frontings.\todostefan{Selting93a: Linksversetzung = Mehrfache Vorfeldbesetzung}
\subsubsection{Partial verb phrase fronting}
\label{sec-pvp-is-not-mf}
In connection with cases of multiple fronting, certain examples have been discussed with supposed
cases of fronted nonfinite verbs or adjectives as well as elements dependent on them
\citep{VogelgesangDoncer2004a}. Examples of this kind of fronting are shown in (\mex{1}):
\eal
\label{bsp-pvp}
\ex
\gll Besonders Einsteigern empfehlen\iw{empfehlen} möchte ich Quarterdeck Mosaic, dessen gelungene grafische Oberfläche und Benutzerführung auf angenehme Weise über die ersten Hürden hinweghilft, obwohl sich die Funktionalität auch nicht zu verstecken braucht.\footnotemark\\
especially beginners recommend want.to I Quarterdeck Mosaic whose well.designed graphic surface and user.interface on pleasant way over the first hurdles help.over although \textsc{refl} the functionality also not to hide needs\\
\footnotetext{
c't, 9/1995, p.\,156.
}\label{bsp-besonders-einsteigern}
\glt `I would particularly recommend Quarterdeck Mosaic for beginners due to its well-designed graphic surface and user interface, which can give a helping hand over those first few hurdles. This should not, however, raise any doubts about its functionality.'
\ex
\gll Der Nachwelt hinterlassen\iw{hinterlassen} hat sie eine aufgeschlagene \emph{Hör zu} und einen kurzen Abschiedsbrief: \ldots\footnotemark\\
the afterworld left has she an opened \emph{Hör zu} and a short suicide.note:\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 18.11.1998, p.\,20.
}\label{bsp-der-nachwelt-hinterlassen}
\glt `She left the rest of the world an open copy of \emph{Hör zu} and a short suicide note.'
\ex
\gll Viel anfangen\iw{anfangen mit} konnte er damit nicht.\footnotemark\\
much begin could he with.it not\\
\footnotetext{
Wochenpost, 41/1995, p.\,34.
}
\glt `It was lost on him.'
\ex
\gll Bei der Polizei angezeigt\iw{anzeigen} hatte das Känguruh ein Autofahrer, nachdem es ihm vor die Kühlerhaube gesprungen war und dabei fast angefahren wurde.\footnotemark\\
at the police reported had the kanagroo a motorist after it him before the bonnet jumped was and there.by almost run.over was\\
\footnotetext{
taz, 18./19.01.1997, p.\,32.
}
\glt `A motorist informed the police of the kangaroo after it had jumped in front of his car and was nearly hit.'
\ex
\gll Aktiv am Streik beteiligt\iw{beteiligen} haben sich "`höchstens zehn Prozent"':\footnotemark\\
active on.the strike took.part have \textsc{refl} \hspaceThis{"`}at.most ten percent\\%
\footnotetext{
taz, 11.12.1997, p.\,7.
}\label{bsp-aktiv-am-streik}%
\glt `Only a ``maximum of ten percent'' actively took part in the strike action:'
\zl
These kinds of constructions have been investigated extensively and there is now some consenus about the fact that
there is exactly one constituent present in the prefield.\todostefan{references}
However, one also finds suggestions like Gunkel's \citeyearpar[\page 170--171]{Gunkel2003b} to analyse sentences such as (\mex{1}) as verb-third
clauses with a flat structure. He does not, however, offer any explanation for the linearization contraints
for such clauses. If one were to analyze examples such as (\mex{1}) with a completely flat structure and with
three fronted constituents, it is not possible to explain why the constituents preceding the finite verb
act as if they also contained a middlefield, right verbal bracket and a postfield.
\ea
\gll Den Kunden sagen, daß die Ware nicht lieferbar ist, wird er wohl müssen.\\
the customer say that the product not deliver.able is will he PRT must\\
\glt `He will presumably have to tell the customers that the product cannot be delivered.'
\z
On the other hand, if one assumes that the three constituents preceding the finite verb form
a verbal projection, then the individual elements in the verbal projection can be assigned to
topological fields and the order of the constituents do not require any special explanation.
See \citew[\page 82]{Reis80a}.